Aboriginal Land Councils; True Role Exposed
Saturday, 7 July, 2007
by Tony Ryan
mathaba
The Aboriginal Land Rights Act was set up to protect Aboriginal culture and to legally establish their place on the Australian landscape; right?
Sure. That is why the socio-legal framework for the Aboriginal Land Councils was created by an American lawyer, David Zorn; of the same America that is spearheading hegemony and imperialism on a scale unprecedented in human history. And this is why the land councils are now the front line in opening up Aboriginal spirit country to globalist mining and the dumping of nuclear waste.
To understand how this monstrous deception could have occurred, it is necessary to glance at its origins.
Zorn was assisted by officers of SOPAR, the last surviving British Raj administrative unit for controlling the natives of Britain’s colonies; and with links to MI6. This task force was aided by monolinguil and inept, but otherwise ambitious anthropologists and lawyers.
The land rights movement began with an Aboriginal walk-off on England’s Lord Vesty-owned cattle station of Wave Hill, in the Northern Territory; essentially an industrial situation. Author Frank Hardy suggested to family senior, Vincent Lingiari, that if they were going to go on strike they might as well kill two birds with one stone and move camp to their spirit country and demand rights to that as well. Clearly, Hardy was the first person to realise the links between spirit country and personal identity and self image; and thence, a launching pad for higher aspirations and clan pride.
The Wave Hill Walk-off inspired the Gumatj clan of north-east Arnhem Land to also claim their spirit country on the bauxite deposit Gove peninsula; triggering alarm in SOPAR officers who immediately advised the Australian Commonwealth Government that this heralded a movement which threatened global corporate access to one of the world’s richest mineral regions.
Obviously, it was reasoned, with government authority already severely diminished by overwhelming opposition to the Vietnam War, a frontal assault against land rights participants would not be tolerated by a nation that had just provided the only decisive referenda affirmative in Australia’s history; the 90% who said yes to Aboriginal inclusion on population polls.
True to precedent, the British Raj, turned to Plan B, which in this instance was intervention in the land rights movement, usurping control, and guiding it in a safe direction where government could contain future developments.
The most serious emergent obstacle, it was realised, was that Aborigines had no concept of land-ownership or, for that matter, any other form of possession. As they saw it, the land owned them. Moreover, there was no leadership structure; all decisions being made through strict observation of consensus protocols, initiated by whomever’s spirit originated in the land-site under discussion. This was pure democracy.
Therefore the age-old tactic of securing the loyalty of leaders with bribes and corruption could not be immediately achieved. As this is the only way people anywhere in the world can be controlled, it was necessary to initiate a programme of enforced acculturation, in which a leadership culture could be created.
Bright young boys were identified and groomed for ‘leadership’ at a boarding school in Charter’s Towers, Queensland. The second strategy was the enforced introduction of Community Councils, in which traditional consensus was overridden and leadership structures naturally emerged creating the appropriate climate for easily managed corruption, cronyism and nepotism.
The third strategy was the creation of the title Traditional Owners of Aboriginal Land; a concept utterly alien to Aboriginal culture. Essentially, greed did the rest and global corporate control of a region rich in virtually every mineral known to man, was assured.
Meanwhile, the young men groomed for ultimate leadership eventually assumed apex control positions: Galarrwuy Yunupingu became Chairman of the Northern Land Council (NLC) and Gatjil Djerrkura lead the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Corporation (ATSIC).
The NLC, led by Yunupingu and Ranger Uranium, managed the extraordinary coup of obtaining local Aboriginal clan’s permission to mine in the epicenter of Kakadu National Park. It was strongly rumoured that Ranger paid the $30,000 alcohol bill that lubricated the affirmative vote. Not that No was ever an option. The 300 k sealed road, euphemistically titled the Beef Road, linking Darwin to the mine site had already been constructed back in 1973. Hilariously for locals, the value of beef exported from the Munmarlary region would have barely paid for a few kilometres of its construction.
The success of Globalisation’s Aboriginal Land Control Project was evident in the early 1990s when illicit individuals established the Djaun Association and, in collaboration with the Northern Land Council, demanded resumption of a mining lease claiming that a powerful spirit, Bula, would destroy the world if mining was permitted. Within weeks, another mining company was licenced to mine the area but at a much higher royalty rate paid to the Djaun.
Of course, no spirit named Bula had ever existed but the phony Djaun pretenders were later crass enough to demand exclusive use of a popular Kakadu National Park waterfall tourism destination, claiming Bula lived in its waters.
By 2007, Aboriginal Traditional owners were falling over themselves to collect royalties for mining on their ‘sacred’ land, and even to bury nuclear waste. Whereas this may suggest to readers that Aboriginal attachment to land has been a giant put-on, this is most definitely not the case. Clearly, on the part of the guilty pretenders, and the anthropologists and ethnologists who so cynically supported and certified these spurious claims, it has been a slap in the face to all Australians who goodheartedly accepted and supported Aboriginal land rights at face value.
But to genuine traditional Aborigines, for whom their spirit places and song lines are at the core of their place in the world, it is critical that this link be protected. To achieve this, a new Act will be required that specifically recognises all language group memberships and their concomitant and overlapping interests in personal spirit places and clan songlines; many of which, like the Morning Star and Caterpillar, extend for hundreds and even thousands of kilometres across Australia. Thus, protection must be, variously, by inter-clan and intra-clan groups, and by individuals; entirely depending on circumstances; and land sale cannot be an option (as we learned from NZ’s Maori Land Grab). Furthermore, all land development proposals must be the subject of appropriate consensus.
Certain amoral, cynical and opportunistic sectors of the Australian community must be excluded from the now-proposed song line and clan region identification and protection process, and these are lawyers, politicians and anthropologists; these having proved their absolute willingness to be corrupted and thus allow the rapid destruction of Aboriginal culture.
Time is of the essence, and Australians with integrity and influence could make a first dramatic move to reclaim direction by assisting Dianne Stokes; of Muckaty Station, NT, to combat the Northern Land Council attempt to have nuclear waste dumped on her clan’s land and drinking water systems.